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The London March planned for October 20th by People’s Vote has to be supported to make it bigger than the  June 23rd demonstration. The People’s Vote itself has severe limitations, but keeping the pressure on the politicians is vital. The Prime Minister has said there will be No Vote under any circumstances, so while the ideal solution is a Third Referendum the priority is to put pressure on Westminster to reverse the Prime Minister’s position.

This  issue will be focussed by the vote on the Deal, now due in November. Theresa May has said the options are her Deal or no Deal, and No Deal is increasingly threatening chaos. Under this threat, MPs may vote for the Deal rather than have chaos. However with the Tory Hard Liners threatening to vote against the Deal whatever it is, Labour could get a majority to defeat the Deal if their MPs vote against it. However a no Deal solution could  be imposed by May using Crown Prerogative and the  2016 mandate of the Referendum if MPs vote against the Deal.

The spectre of a hung parliament with MPs refusing to vote for the Deal if Labour votes with the Tory Brexiteers would not automatically lead to a further vote. There would be a constitutional crisis with the PM’s options being to call a General Election or use Crown Prerogative to force through a No Deal solution. May expects MPs to vote in favour, but if they do not we have a constitutional crisis.  The  last time there was this kind of crisis it led to a vote of no confidence in the Prime Minister (1979, James Callaghan) and a General Election. What would happen now is much more difficult to forecast give the specific problems of the specifics of Brexit.

Updates on the State of Play Section  will focus on this key issue with Data in Focus looking at the state of public opinion.

Weather Report looks at the current state of play. This changes almost daily but it is clear that the Tory Party is now deeply split with the hard liners prepared to vote for No Deal. Theresa May has said all the way through it is Her Deal or No Deal which threatens that if MPs vote against it she will go for No Deal and WTO rules. It is possible  this is a ploy to force Labour to vote for her Deal to avoid No Deal, which the unions certainly do not want. We will learn how Labour plan to play it at Labour Conference.People’s Vote is the current  favourite of the rank and file, but MPs in Leave seats are nervous. If Labour vote with Boris Johnson and Co, this could trigger a General Election, but as Labour would not be in favour of Brexit – unlike the Brexiteers, then  Labour may lose votes to UKIPPERS. If they voted with the Tories to push through BRexit, they lose Remain votes to the Liberal Democrats and Scots Nationalists.

A People’s Vote would be a way forward for Labour, but a majority in the House of Commons would be need to force this and  this would need a  split in the Tory Party with Remain Tory MPs voting against May. How those MPs are shaping up, especially if there is the danger of a General Election in which their seats would be vulnerable to a revived UKIP or similar Brexit group would be the key issue. However at the time of writing – mid September pre conference season – May is sticking rigidly to her My Deal or No Deal position assuming this can keep her majority in the Commons together  and this is the framework for analysis.

Additonally, the threat of social unrest  if the issue is delayed by a further vote is also coming on the agenda. There is likely to be a backlash  from Brexit hard liners who thought they won a unique victory, and that democracy is being denied. This cannot be allowed to stop the political process, but has to be factored into discussion. The fuel for a right wing backlash is the belief that a democratic decision is being ignored by a liberal establishment, presumably a message their social media networks and media allies would press.

The democratic argument becomes central, with the need to contest the media blanket assumption that a further vote would be a second referendum essential. Recovering the First Referendum of 1975 and the rules established – badly – at that point is the precondition to an antidote to a Brexit backlash  which will happen if \May cannot get a parliamentary majority for the Deal with the EU and exit on March 29th 2019.

Data in Focus The key to understanding the state of public opinion is that while there has been a modest shift in public opinion against Leaving this has been little more than moving a 52-48 vote in favour of Leave in 2016 to around the same split in favour of Remain today – not the 60-40 split Hugo Dixon argued  a year ago would be  needed by Remain to be secure. Within this headline figure are important groupings moving significantly – Remainers seized on data showing Labour seats shifting towards Remain, but ignored the solidity of Tory Pro Brexit voters with Tory Remain MPs fearing they could be de-selected if May fails and Boris Johnson became leader.

The latest UK Opinion Polling data on their site is September 5th which concludes “slightly more people opposed to Brexit than in support of it”. The Remain camp tends to overestimate the importance of the swing – 3% to 5% on this report – and the headline in the Independent “2.6 million Leave voters have abandoned support for BRexit” was overstating the case. The actual report stated that in addition one million Remain supporters had switched to Brexit. Net gain for Remain was 1.6 million.

This gives Remain a slight majority and in terms of the actual votes from 2016- ignoring death and new voters, which is becoming a major issue – the voting figures have moved from

Year             Leave                           Remain

2016            17,410,742 (51.8%)       16,141,241 (48.11%)

       less 1.6million                           plus 1.6 million

2018            15,510,000                    17,810,000

How this relates to a real vote is unknowable, but points up the fact that with over 15million voters, Leave is not a spent force.

Remain should not overestimate its potential support.

The Brexit Skeptic                                            19 9 18

  • WR 15 Postpone the Deadline (2/11/2019) - After the letter in the Guardian The Round Robin letter published in the Guardian (below) calling for a postponement of the Article 50 deadline has not proved effective. Though Tory leaders including Philip Hammond (Chancellor) and Jeremy Hunt (Foreign Secretary) and even sometimes Keir Starmer, the Party leaders are not moving at al. Corbyn’s desire
  • WR14 Short term options demand the deadline be pushed back (1/16/2019) - Labour’s  strategy on Brexit involves more negotiations on Brexit after winning a General election, to secure a more acceptable Deal than May’s- which is a Brexit solution with the option of a referendum only on the terms of the Deal. Cancelling Brexit is certainly not what Corbyn appears to have on the agenda . The
  • WR13 Geraint Davies Bill for Revocation Article 50 (1/16/2019) - Summary of The European Union (Revocation of Notification of Withdrawal) Bill 2017-19 A Bill to require the Prime Minister to revoke the notification, under Article 50 (2) of the Treaty on European Union, of the United Kingdom’s  intention to withdraw from the European Union  unless two conditions are met; to  establish as first  condition for
  • WR12 The Swiss Model for Brexit (1/4/2019) - Andres Allemand – originally published in the Independent 14th November 2018 The “Swiss model” is often referred to by British politicians speaking about Brexit. Presumably this is because Switzerland never joined the EU. And because it is seen by many as the world champion of direct democracy. Around 600 questions have been put to public
  • WR11 Labour’s Brexit Election Spectre at the End of 2018 (1/4/2019) - Jeremy Corbyn’s Guardian statement (22nd December)  that if Labour won a snap election they would carry on with Brexit confirmed that carrying out the 2016 referendum result is the policy of both front benches. The surprise was the belief Labour could get a snap election which Labour would win to carry out the mandate. The
  • WR10 Grassroots for Europe 2nd Meeting 10 11 18 (11/23/2018) - Followed the Birmingham meeting September of c40 activists -Location – Albany Gt Portland St. 60 present, plus platform. Room full but comfortable. The demographic was – entirely white, over 40, the agenda item on inclusivity not reached when I left. THE BIG NEWS IS THAT TOM BRUFFATO SAID THERE WILL BE A MEETING OF 167
  • DF4 Labour’s Brexit Composite Motion In Full (10/6/2018) - Below is the full text of the composite motion on Brexit passed by Labour conference 2018. The key pledge is that Labour vows to “support all options remaining on the table, including campaigning for a public vote” should it not be able to secure a general election. Conference welcomes Jeremy Corbyn’s determined efforts to hold the
  • WR9 Party Time & Brexit (10/6/2018) - The People’s Vote (PV) demo on October 20th must be supported 100% without reservations – the Open Britain initiative is not perfect but it is the only show in town. After the demo the wider picture will be clearer as the vote in the Commons in November is racing towards us and party politics will
  • DF3 – Current data on voter attitudes (9/14/2018) - With parliament back in operation, the state of campaigning and public attitudes are beginning to be newsworthy again. The activists on both sides have kept going through the summer, Leavers showing itself more and more as ageing white men, while the two petitions on Anti Brexit have steadily gained support. By September 5th the People’s
  • WR7 The state of play August 2018 (8/22/2018) - Anti Brexit in late summer The summer parliamentary recess means Brexit is out of the headlines, apart from Boris Johnson, giving a chance to take stock. At national level activity is focussed on the People’s Vote petition launched after the June 23rd. The collection of signatures for the People’s Vote petition shows a steady growth,